Iranian Foreign Policy Since 2001: Alone in the World by Thomas Juneau & Sam Razavi

Author:Thomas Juneau & Sam Razavi [Juneau, Thomas & Razavi, Sam]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781299752085
Goodreads: 18651296
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2013-08-23T00:00:00+00:00

Conclusion

In many ways, Iran–UAE relations are emblematic of Iran's relations with its Arab neighbors, whether Saudi Arabia or, for that matter, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman. A history of territorial and other disputes, often made all the more intractable by the advent of the modern state and by age-old cultural and linguistic differences, has resulted in deep-seated mistrust, suspicion, and acrimony between Iran and its Arab neighbors. At the same time, the two sides have multiple points of converging interests, not the least of which are strategic and commercial. Ultimately, as this chapter has demonstrated, pragmatic concerns and pursuits, rooted in on-going assessments of Iran's capabilities and needs, have guided the country's foreign and national security policies, both in relation to the larger world and, particularly, insofar as the Persian Gulf region is concerned.

With pragmatism as its primary guiding force, the substance and underlying logic of Iran's relations with its Persian Gulf neighbors, and with the outside world at large, have remained largely consistent since the mid-to-late 1990s. This is despite the tenure in office in Tehran of two very different presidents, one championing the cause of a “Dialogue among Civilizations” and the other a radical rhetoric reminiscent of the early days of the Revolution. This begs the question of why, then, did Iran's relations with the European Union and the United States deteriorate so dramatically during Ahmadi-Nej ad's presidency despite the continuity of his policies with those of Khatami. The answer has to do less with Iranian foreign policy than with larger international developments occurring around the time of changing administrations in Tehran, particularly significant improvements to US relations with a number of European powers that had become strained in the run-up to the US invasion and occupation of Iraq. Since France and Germany, and even Russia and China, among many others, had so doggedly opposed America's single-minded march toward war with Iraq in late 2002 and early 2003, they were reluctant to enter into another row with their traditional ally over Iran's nuclear program. In the meanwhile, Ahmadi-Nejad's tactless speeches and his confrontational personality made it significantly easier to vilify Iran and to present it as “a menacing threat” regionally and globally.49 In fact, at times Bush Administration officials appeared far more concerned about Iran's threat to its neighbors than the neighbors themselves.50

In short, it was not the substance and nature of Iranian foreign policy or its security posture toward the Persian Gulf that changed from Khatami to Ahmadi-Nej ad. Rather, it was American foreign-policy objectives, and with it the evolving nature of America's relations with its allies in Europe and in the UN Security Council, that underwent dramatic changes before and after 9/11 and the US invasion of Iraq.

The future of Iran's relations with its Persian Gulf neighbors cannot, therefore, be examined without also considering Iran's relationship with the United States. It is difficult to imagine US-Iran relations darkening any more than they did during the administration of George W. Bush. Despite initial hopeful signs of improved

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